This page provides details on step two of the economic appraisal process. Show
2.2.1 Appraisals should establish that there is a need for government intervention, whether it takes the form of public service provision or granting of financial assistance or some other measure. The justification for intervention usually falls into one of two categories:
2.2.2 Intervention to achieve economic objectives is justified when markets fail to use resources in the most productive way possible. This may be due to the presence of, for example, public goods, externalities, imperfect information or market power. These terms are explained in annex one of the Green Book. 2.2.3 Intervention to achieve equity objectives may be justified to improve the distribution of costs or benefits among different groups according to their income, gender, ethnic group, age, geographical location or disability. The principles underlying analysis of these equity, or 'distributional' considerations, are explained in annex five of the Green Book. However, it should be noted that Northern Ireland has specific policies in this regard, including lifetime opportunities and the statutory equality obligations under Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998. See section 2.7 of NIGEAE for elaboration. Assessing the need for individual spending projects2.2.4 In every case, it is important to establish clearly the rationale for intervention. This is relatively straightforward when the project or other action in view is part of an established policy or programme, since the broad rationale for intervention should already be documented. However, in other instances, for example, novel or contentious cases, separate justification for intervention is required. The specific reasons for the proposed intervention should be set out in full, with suitable supporting information such as research findings and other relevant information. 2.2.5 For individual projects and spending proposals, the need to continue or develop service provision should not be taken for granted. In some cases it may be appropriate to consider scaling down provision or ceasing with it altogether. 2.2.6 Business needs should generally be reviewed. Where appropriate, details should be given of deficiencies in current services, or in the assets or other resources used to deliver them. 2.2.7 Relevant projections of the future nature and levels of demand for services over time should be provided, suitably quantified. For example, projections of school enrolments, hospital caseloads, road traffic growth, numbers of trainee places required. These future projections should be set in context by providing historical evidence of the development of need; e.g. figures for the past three to five years. Details of supporting calculations and assumptions should be provided. 2.2.8 The need for a project is related to its potential benefits but these should normally be treated separately, i.e. need should be dealt with at step two and benefits should be handled at step five and/or step seven. A description of potential benefits does not usually amount to a justification of the need for a project. All projects are undertaken to deliver benefits, and in this sense they are all benefits-driven. However, it is still generally possible to distinguish the need or demand for a particular service from the potential benefits of particular options. 2.2.9 In the case of financial assistance to the private, voluntary or community sectors, it is essential to establish that the additionality criterion is satisfied. This is explained in Section 4.3. Related articlesRevenueDeveloping nations in particular often lack the institutional machinery needed for effective imposition of income or corporation taxes (see income tax). The governments of such nations may then finance their activity by resorting to tariffs on imported goods, since such levies are relatively easy to administer. The amount of tax revenue obtainable through tariffs, however, is always limited. If the government tries to increase its tariff income by imposing higher duty rates, this may choke off the flow of imports and so reduce tariff revenue instead of increasing it. Economic developmentProtection of domestic industryProbably the most common argument for tariff imposition is that particular domestic industries need tariff protection for survival. Comparative-advantage theorists will naturally argue that the industry in need of such protection ought not to survive and that the resources so employed ought to be transferred to occupations having greater comparative efficiency. The welfare gain of citizens taken as a whole would more than offset the welfare loss of those groups affected by import competition; that is, total real national income would increase. An opposing argument would be, however, that this welfare gain would be widely diffused, so that the individual beneficiaries might not be conscious of any great improvement. The welfare loss, in contrast, would be narrowly and acutely felt. Although resources can be transferred to other occupations, just as comparative-advantage theory says, the transfer process is sometimes slow and painful for those being transferred. For such reasons, comparative-advantage theorists rarely advocate the immediate removal of all existing tariffs. They argue instead against further tariff increases—since increases, if effective, attract still more resources into the wrong occupation—and they press for gradual reduction of import barriers. Romney RobinsonThe infant-industry argumentAdvocates of protection often argue that new and growing industries, particularly in less-developed countries, need to be shielded from foreign competition. They contend that costs decline with growth and that some industries must reach a minimum size before they are able to compete with well-established industries abroad. Tariffs can protect the domestic market until the industry becomes internationally competitive and, it is often argued, the costs of protection can be recouped after the industry has reached maturity. In short, the infant-industry argument is based principally on the idea that there are economies of large-scale production in many industries and that developing countries have difficulty in establishing such industries. Advocates of such protection, however, can have their arguments turned against them. While an individual country can, in some circumstances, gain from protecting its infant industries, this protection is particularly costly for the international community as a whole. Where there are major advantages in large-scale production, there are also large advantages in relatively free international trade. By closing off markets, protection reduces the ability of firms to gain large-scale economies by exporting. If a group of countries imposes infant-industry protection, it will split up the market; each country may end up with small-scale, localized, inefficient production, thus reducing the prosperity of all of the countries. One way in which less-developed nations have tried to deal with this problem has been through the establishment of customs unions or other regional groupings (see International trade arrangements). Infant-industry tariffs have been disappointing in other ways; the infant-industry argument is often abused in practice. In many developing countries, industries have failed to attain international competitiveness even after 15 or 20 years of operation and might not survive if protective tariffs were removed. The infant industry is probably better aided by production subsidies than by tariffs. Production subsidies do not raise prices and therefore do not curtail domestic demand, and the cost of the protection is not concealed in higher prices to consumers. Production subsidies, however, have the disadvantage of drawing upon government revenue rather than adding to it, which may be a serious consideration in countries at lower levels of development. (See also economic development.) Bela Balassa Trent J. Bertrand Paul WonnacottUnemploymentTariffs or quotas are also sometimes proposed as a way to maintain domestic employment—particularly in times of recession. There is, however, near-unanimity among modern-day economists that proposals to remedy unemployment by means of tariff increases are misguided. Insofar as a higher tariff is effective for this purpose, it simply “exports unemployment”; that is, the rise in domestic employment is matched by a drop in production in some foreign country. That other country, moreover, is likely to impose a retaliatory tariff increase. Finally, the tariff remedy for unemployment is a poor one because it is usually ineffective and because more suitable remedies are available. It has come to be generally recognized that unemployment is far more efficiently dealt with by the implementation of proper fiscal and monetary policies. National defenseA common appeal made by an industry seeking tariff or quota protection is that its survival is essential for the national interest: its product would be needed in wartime, when the supply of imports might well be cut off. The verdict of economists on this argument is fairly clear: the national-defense argument is frequently a red herring, an attempt to “wrap oneself in the flag,” and insofar as an industry is essential, the tariff is a dubious means of ensuring its survival. Economists say instead that essential industries ought to be given a direct subsidy to enable them to meet foreign competition, with explicit recognition of the fact that the subsidy is a price paid by the nation in order to maintain the industry for defense purposes. AutarkyMany demands for protection, whatever their surface argument may be, are really appeals to the autarkic feelings that prompted mercantilist reasoning. (Autarky is defined as the state of being self-sufficient at the level of the nation.) A proposal for the restriction of free international trade can be described as autarkic if it appeals to those half-submerged feelings that the citizens of the nation share a common welfare and common interests, whereas foreigners have no regard for such welfare and interests and might even be actively opposed to them. And it is quite true that a country that has become heavily involved in international trade has given hostages to fortune: a part of its industry has become dependent upon export markets for income and for employment. Any cutoff of these foreign markets (brought about by recession abroad, by the imposition of new tariffs by some foreign country, or by numerous other possible changes, such as the outbreak of war) would be acutely serious; and yet it would be a situation largely beyond the power of the domestic government involved to alter. Similarly, another part of domestic industry may rely on an inflow of imported raw materials, such as oil for fuel and power. Any restriction of these imports could have the most serious consequences. The vague threat implicit in such possibilities often results in a yearning for autarky, for national self-sufficiency, for a life free of dependence on the hazards of the outside world. There is general agreement that no modern nation, regardless of how rich and varied its resources, could really practice self-sufficiency, and attempts in that direction could produce sharp drops in real income. Nevertheless, protectionist arguments—particularly those made “in the interests of national defense”—often draw heavily on the strength of such autarkic sentiments. The terms-of-trade argumentWhen a country imposes a tariff, foreign exporters have greater difficulty in selling their products. As their exports decline, they may cut prices in order to keep their sales from falling drastically. Thus, for example, when a tariff of $10.00 is imposed, foreign exporters may cut their price by, say, $6.00. The foreign exporter is being “taxed” when the tariff is imposed; the other $4.00 is reflected in a higher price to the consumer. The use of tariffs to tax foreign exporters in this way is known as the terms-of-trade argument for protection. The terms of trade represent the relative price of what a nation is exporting, compared with the price paid to foreigners for imported goods. When the price of what is being exported rises, or when the price paid to foreigners for imported goods falls (as it may when a nation imposes a tariff), terms of trade improve. Balance-of-payments difficultiesGovernments may interfere with the processes of foreign trade for a reason quite different from those thus far discussed: shortage of foreign exchange (see international payment and exchange). Under the international monetary system established after World War II and in effect until the 1970s, most governments tried to maintain fixed exchange rates between their own currencies and those of other countries. Even if not absolutely fixed, the exchange rate was ordinarily allowed to fluctuate only within a narrow range of values. If balance-of-payments difficulties arise and persist, a nation’s foreign exchange reserve runs low. In a crisis, the government may be forced to devalue the nation’s currency. But before being driven to this, it may try to redress the balance by restricting imports or encouraging exports, in much the old mercantilist fashion. The problem of reserve shortages became acute for many countries during the 1960s. Although the total volume of international transactions had risen steadily, there was not a corresponding increase in the supply of international reserves. By 1973 payment imbalances led to an end of the system of fixed, or pegged, exchange rates and to a “floating” of most currencies. (See also gold standard; gold-exchange standard.) Romney Robinson Paul WonnacottWhat are the reasons for government intervention in trade?Governments undertake intervention to achieve several goals, including: to generate revenue, to achieve policy objectives, and to protect or support the nation's citizens or private firms.
What are the 2 main reasons governments use trade barriers?Why Governments Favor Trade Barriers. Protects Domestic Jobs from Cheap International Labor. ... . Protect Newly Developing Industries. ... . Prevent “Dumping” Practices. ... . An Increase in Revenue. ... . VERs – or Voluntary Export Restraints. ... . Regulatory Trade Barriers. ... . Anti-Dumping Duty. ... . The Subsidy.. What are the two types of government intervention?The types of government intervention in different market structures are taxes, subsidies, price controls, and market regulation. Indirect tax indirectly affects the production costs, affecting how much the firms sell their products. Subsidies are benefits given to producers to promote social welfare.
What 2 reasons are the basis for countries to engage in international trade?The five main reasons international trade takes place are differences in technology, differences in resource endowments, differences in demand, the presence of economies of scale, and the presence of government policies.
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